Nationalistic facet of ideology and policy of the ukrainian radical nationalists from UNA-UNSO


The political parties and movements of the post-Soviet Ukraine developed their platforms during perestroika, when the processes that led to the subsequent breakup of the Soviet Union were unleashed. Both nationalism and opposition to it became tools in a fierce ideological and political struggle. In contrast to Russia, which remains an epicenter of nationalistic activity, the Ukraine after its proclamation of independence has experienced it much less.


At the same time, the state of crisis in Ukraine facilitated the establishment of radical nationalist organizations. Before 1992 these groups resorted to nationalism only sporadically, but since that time it has been increasingly exploited as an ideological tool for expressing opposition to democracy — traditionally identified with the West and with Jews. The nationalists seek to establish a Ukrainian ethnocracy (natsiokratiia), modeled on the formerly European national-authoritarian regimes of the first half of XX century. In the footsteps the Ukrainian nationalists have created their own version of the Aryan myth in which the Ukrainian nation is seen as the progenitor of the Indo-European race. Its destiny is to become a superpower that will lead the Aryan world in fighting the forces of evil and destruction, behind which hide the Jews bent on world domination.


Nationalist organizations comprise a growing segment of the political spectrum in Ukraine today. The extent of their impact will depend on the degree of future destabilization of society as a result of social, economic, and political considerations, as well as other developments in the post-Communist world.

Ukrainian Nationalist Parties: A Political Portrait

The following extreme nationalist parties were formed during the period of the breakup of the USSR in the 1990s:

The Ukrainian National Assembly (Ukrainska natsionalna assembleya, or UNA) and its paramilitary wing, the Ukrainian Self Defence (Ukrainska natsionalna samooborona, or UNSO).

State Independence of Ukraine (Derzhavna samostiyist Ukraini, or DSU)

The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Organizatsiya ukrainskikh natsionalistiv, or OUN)

The Ukrainian Conservative Republican Party (Ukrainska konservativna republikanska partiya, or UKRP)

The Ukrainian Social-Nationalist Party (USNP)

The Organization of Idealists of Ukraine,8
and a number of lesser-known and less influential organizations.

The most powerful among organizations mentioned above is UNA. This movement originated as the Ukrainian Inter-party Assembly (UMA), but changed its name after the declaration of Independence. According to the 1996 handbook, by early 1998 provincial committees existed in almost all provinces, and UNA’s total membership amounted to 20,000.9

Considering the political and organizational instability of most of the political parties, from 1993 to 1999, UNA-UNSO was outstanding in the extent of its activities. It succeeded not only in strengthening its position and expanding its influence, but also in becoming the most popular radical right-wing party in the Ukraine. Its image became that of a highly active party whose leaders made shocking statements, and which inspired various political actions, complete with populist slogans and militant calls to arms.

The party’s imperialist aspirations were declared at the conference on “New Directions of Ukrainian Geo-Politics” held in Lviv in summer 1993. The party perceived the Ukraine’s future being linked to its Eurasian location, its geo-politics associated with pan-Slavism, and its ideological basis related to the “Eurasian” historical, political, and spiritual world.

At the conference, the leaders of the party advocated the formation of a bloc of “insulted nations” to be led by the Ukraine in opposing major imperialist systems. To be included were Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, and some of the Balkan states. A later suggestion called for the inclusion of Belarus and Chechnya, as well as non-governmental organizations of various countries that do not accept the present international arrangements.11

As for domestic policy, UNA-UNSO preaches a melange of left-wing, right-wing, and conservative ideas: social equality, opposition to “fat cats,” redistribution of the national income in favor of workers, the active involvement of a strong government in the economy, as well as traditional values of the family, the people, discipline, and the state.

Between 1994 and 1996 UNA significantly expanded its scope. Regional branches were established in all provinces of the Ukraine, in many major regional centers, cities, and a number of settlements. According to Andriy Shkil’, chairman of the Lviv provincial committee and contemporary leader of movement, a cell of UNA-UNSO even exists in Moscow. Although not registered with the Ministry of Justice, UNSO is registered in Lviv province and in the cities of Rivne and Ternopil. Local authorities generally turn a blind eye to the existence of unregistered UNSO branches in view of the tolerance of UNA by the central Ukrainian authorities.

UNA-UNSO has successfully expanded from the western Ukraine to the thickly settled east — one of the organization’s main goals. Their slogans about force, welfare, and order are aimed at the proletarian masses, which are attracted to strict forms of government and active forms of protest. Having become disillusioned with communism, which promised to establish order, many former supporters now hearken to UNA-UNSO’s familiar calls for expropriation of the wealth of the rich, and the need to settle scores with “bitch collaborators and goat democrats.”

UNA-UNSO pins much of its hopes on the army — understandable for a paramilitary organization that sees its “divine” destiny in the establishment of an empire modeled after that of the Kievan Rus.12 The party maintains contact with the National Professional Union of Officers of the Ukraine, which it helped to establish in early 1993 in order to organize opposition to cutbacks in the military academies. This policy brought to it significant support from military officers. One of UNA’s priorities has been to analyze decisions of the government and Supreme Court on security and the armed forces. Its propaganda has stressed its role in the release of Ukrainian troops from imprisonment in Abkhazia, Azerbaijan, and Chechnya.

Particular attention has been paid to youth work, through UNA’s special youth committee. In 1995 there was an increase in the number of military-sports camps to train young people for self-defense units. Aimed particularly for children 12–17 years old from poor and broken families, the camps train in hand-to-hand combat, tactics, intelligence gathering, camouflage, and techniques for facing police units. Training involves strenuous physical activity and iron discipline: beatings with rods is a common punishment.

Under UNSO’s umbrella, forty-six units comprising 1,500 well-trained fighters operated in 1995. When detained by the authorities, UNA-UNSO activists were found to possess firearms and other weapons. UNSO units can be deployed for action, as was demonstrated on July 18, 1995 at the funeral of Patriarch Vladimir of Kyiv, head of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. State authorities had refused permission to bury him on the grounds of Sophia Cathedral, citing its status as a museum and historical site. UNSO’s fierce opposition to the government’s decision resulted in bloody confrontations with the police.

UNA-UNSO has taken part in several interethnic conflicts that flared up following the breakup of the Soviet Union and in former Yugoslavia. The organization’s leaders believe that their involvement will convince the public of the Ukrainian government’s helplessness and their own ability to influence military and political events. Although its participation in these conflicts is placed in an ideological framework, inconsistencies can be found: troops were first sent to Abkhazia to fight against Georgia, and then into Georgia to deter Abkhazia, both under the same slogan of opposition to Russian imperialism. Thus it appears that the paramilitary units are actually only flexing their muscles.

In spite of such inconsistency, UNA has continued to attract electoral support. In the 1994 elections for Ukrainian parliament (Supreme Council), three of its candidates were elected, representing 0.7% of the 450-seat Council. The organization’s parliamentary activity is combined with anti-parliamentary actions.

Their emphasis is on “winning minds” by propaganda disseminated through six organization newspapers and the magazine Natsionalist, in addition to leaflets, press bulletins, and placards. A weekly television program, “Pravyi bereg” (Right bank) is broadcast as well.

Thus, UNA finances the training of fighters, transportation for them and its leaders, office expenses, a variety of publications, and a television program. It is known that the income from the sales of publications cover less than half of expenses, but the sources of UNA’s general income has been kept secret.


Ideological Nationalism of the Radical Nationalists:
Sources and Tendencies

The ideological nationalism of the Ukrainian national radicals does not exist in a vacuum, but is part of a more general — supposedly universal — messianic ideology.19 As with its predecessors, the Ukrainian doctrine is clearly dualistic and Manichaean. However, the Ukrainian version differs in that historically its primary struggles have been against the Poles and Russians; Jews were perceived (and attacked) as accomplices of these dominating foreign foes. With the advent of Ukrainian nationalism in the 1920s, however, Jews (often together with the other “false messianic” group, the Russians) were perceived as the spiritual and ontological antipode of the “Aryan nation.” Together with an attendant nationalism, a modernized messianic-statist doctrine has become the basis of contemporary radical nationalist programs. Initially, an ethnocratic dictatorial, totalitarian state was the model, but by 1993, some differences emerged. UNA-UNSO began to expound a Eurasian imperialist doctrine whose geo-political aims resembled those of the Third Reich. Ideologists of the majority of Ukrainian right-wing movements increasingly referred to the “world Jewish conspiracy” myth, borrowed mainly from Russian (both Soviet and post-Soviet) nationalistic literature. In contrast, UNA-UNSO employed such themes more rarely, preferring to cite such “authorities” as Hitler.21 Ukrainian new rightists speak less of “world Jewry” now and refer rather to “American-Jewish globalism (mondialism)” and “Atlanticism” which aims to subordinate the whole world to a materialistic and mercantile order. The “Kievan Aryan empire” is destined to uproot “Semitic-liberal values” and establish a new world order.22

Radical nationalists of various tendencies show few differences when it comes to their interpretations of just who constitutes the “enemy of the people.” Nevertheless, it is worth exploring the differences that do exist, which reflect divisions within the radical Right — neo-imperialist Eurasians on one side, and neo-slavophile isolationists on the other.

Like their counterparts elsewhere, Ukrainian radical nationalists attribute great significance to mystical and mythical elements in their political ideologies. To support their claims for creating of a Ukrainian superpower, they have constructed the myth of a heroic ancient history, connected to the “Aryan” spirit and origin of the nation. Mysticism is mobilized to serve political ends, and make use of the nationalistic myths of the “Old Right,” particularly those of Dmytro Dontsov, as well as those of Western para-Nazi ideologues.23

The “Willful” Nationalism of Dmytro Dontsov and his Followers in Today’s Ukraine

The doctrine of Ukrainian nationalism elaborated by Dmytro Dontsov on the eve of World War I had its roots in German romanticism and the philosophy of life later popularized by fascist and Nazi theoreticians. Dontsov transformed the ideas he gleaned from these sources into a “willful (chynnyy) nationalism.”24 His book Nationalism (1926) has much in common with the first part of Hitler’s Mein Kampf, published at the same time.

Dontsov (1883–1973) began as a brilliant orthodox Marxist literary critic and publicist with a pro-Russian orientation. By the onset of World War I, his orientation radically changed, now looking to the West, particularly Austria-Hungary and Germany, as political allies, and to their fascist nationalism as the only possible solution for the Ukrainians. Close to the hetman Skoropadskii and to Petlyura, Dontsov attempted to strengthen the anti-Russian, pro-Western direction of their policies. Dontsov abandoned active involvement in politics, but his views became the basis for the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). Following the 1940 split in the OUN, Dontsov associated himself for some time with the radical faction of the group led by Stepan Bendera. During World War II, he lived in Berlin, Bucharest, and Prague and published articles in the Nazi press. He lived for a time in France and in England; in 1947 he went to Canada where he spent the remaining years of his life, and moved “from politics to mysticism” as he put it. He had little influence in the political life of the Ukrainian diaspora. In the late 1960s, however, a number of his works, in which he espoused authoritarianism, elitism, opposition to democracy, opposition to Russia, and nationalism, were republished. His ideas gained some popularity during perestroika and afterwards in independent Ukraine.25

Dontsov’s goal was the establishment of a Ukrainian state, overcoming its primary enemy, Russia. He opposed democracy, since it had led to the decline of Europe, and he saw the Ukrainian nation as critical for the reestablishment of a new Europe. Ukrainians would have to consolidate the will of the nation for struggle and expansion, to cultivate within themselves the of romanticism, a mystic upsurge, irrationalism, and amorality so that an elite minority could adopt the tactic of “creative violence.” Only the latter could be effective in overcoming the power and influence of “westerners, the race of slaves.” It was “westerners” (“gesheftsmen, who are prepared to serve any power”) who comprise “the democratic-socialist intelligentsia” that was sowing chaos and destroying the spirit of the nation. To these “swineherds” Dontsov contrasts the “Nordic” master race (the Cossacks), a natural elite destined to revive a hierarchical authoritarian society.26 Even though the consequences of the World War II to the Ukraine, Dontsov continued to hail fascist regimes (those of Hitler, Mussolini, and Franco) as models for the Ukraine to emulate: “having liberated the social life of Germany from Judaizing influence, National Socialism (together with similar movements) in opposition to democracy, to the Western-Jewish Communism of Marx and the Eastern-Russian Communism of Lenin — created its own system that in a basic way changed the face of the German world....”27

He called for reviving the “spirit of Ukrainian antiquity,” thereby transforming the nation and leading the opposition to the “gangrene of democracy, materialism, Bolshevism, Judaizing, and Freemasonry.”28 Dontsov pointed to the Nazi mobilization of mysticism for political ends, using Charles Peguy’s 1910 phrasing: “All begins with mysticism and ends with politics. Politics without mysticism is fruitless.”29 Dontsov perceived the Ukrainians as the real “occidental” people, the bearer of a western spirit, a truly Christian people. Christianity he saw as a creation of the Hellenistic spirit. Stressing the political significance of questions about the origins of Christianity and Western civilization, Dontsov claimed that Jesus was not a Jew, but a Galilean, presumably from a region whose inhabitants differed ethnically and culturally from the Jews; Jesus was an Aryan.30 Dontsov considered the New Testament to be imbued with Hellenistic and Roman values, fundamentally different from the Old Testament, which he saw as based on materialism and the subjection of human beings to externally imposed laws. Jesus is thus associated with idealism and “internal” human freedom. According to Dontsov, pre-Christian Ukrainian mysticism was related to that of ancient Greece, and so it was natural that Ukrainians would come to accept the teaching of Jesus that arose from a Hellenic basis. Christianity was organically accepted by the “occidental” Ukrainians; ostensibly it could not establish itself among non-Hellenic “oriental” peoples like the Jews and Russians, whose anti-Hellenic attitudes were due to their own innate racism, nomadic spirit, herd instinct, materialism, and anti-westernism.

Dontsov believed that it would be a disaster for Ukraine to submit to the influence of the alien mysticism of “Moscow-shamanistic Eastern Orthodoxy” with its messianic claims of being an “older brother.” Equally dangerous would be to accept the claim of the Jews that their religion is the basis of Western civilization. Whether they were allied or in conflict, the Russian and Jewish messianisms were basically hostile to the Ukraine and the West. Sunk in materialism, Western democracy was unable to draw on the primary spiritual sources of its mysticism. Dontsov asserted that the Ukraine must recognize its destiny, raise the banner of its national identity, and revive its culture inherited from ancient Greece and the New Testament.

Enemies of the Ukrainian nation were named in Dontsov’s article “The Chaos of the Contemporary World and Youth” which was reprinted a number of times. He called on youth to participate in a firm struggle against the “leading forces of East and West hostile to the Ukraine, one of which was Muscovite messianism, the “elder brother” whom Dontsov referred to as “Cain.” The second enemy was democracy, and the third was characterized in a monologue attributed to a “Ukraine-hater” [read: Jew]:

Your nation has long been on my black list, like [Franco’s] Spain has been in the West, since it has opposed me every time that I was in the avant garde — first of Polish imperialism, then of liberal imperialism, then of the red imperialism of Moscow. I curse the names of the Ukrainian heroes Chmielnicki and Petliura. Deny them....31


In the event that Ukrainians fail to deny them, the speaker threatens them “with his might, which is very great.”32

Dontsov’s works were banned in the Soviet Ukraine, which served to increase his underground influence. With the onset of glasnost, they began to be widely reproduced individually as well as in nationalist publications. The Ukrainian democrat Leonid Pliushch considers the “Dontsov phenomenon” to be the source of Neo-fascism in the Ukraine today: “Dontsov impresses Ukrainian patriots with his apparent dynamism, courage, profound spirituality and culture.’”33 Dontsov’s apologists say “We are armed with the immortal teaching of Dmytro Dontsov, whom the test of time does not diminish: we accept him without reservation....”34 “It is very timely to read the works of Dontsov, especially his brochure Khrestom i mechom and D. Dovganiuk stressed that Dontsov reveals the falseness of the claim that the Judeo-Christian conception is the basis of Western civilization.”35

There exists a certain sensitivity to charges that Dontsov was nationalistic. Anatol Bedrii (living in Canada), sharply criticized the political scientist Taras Kuzo (who lives in England) for referring to Dontsov as an “organic nationalist.”36 Bedrii claims that Khrestom i mechom in fact highlights the contributions of the Christian philosophy of life.37Much more common, however, has been the contemporary tendency toward the ideologization and politicization of nationalism, accompanied by a “modernization” of fascist ideas.

Following the Inspiration of “New Rightists”

Although Dontsov is a recognized authority for the extreme nationalists, his ideas are being implemented by young nationalists, most of whom are active in the leadership of the UNA. While remaining loyal to the principles of “willful nationalism,” they supplement Dontsov’s arguments with those of the “New Right” and the “Old Right” (proto-fascists and fascists).

Asked whether UNA-UNSO considers itself part of the New Right, one of leaders of UNA replied “To some extent, yes,” but noted that, in contrast to European New Rightists, the Ukrainian extremists have attained a “happy union” of action and theory.38 This “happy union” finds expression on the cover of the “popular scientific” magazine Natsionalist, published by the Dontsov Supporters’ Club. The Gothic script and the motto “Ukraine Above All” prepares the reader for the ideas expressed inside, while the emblem of the Ukraine SS-Galichina division, which fought alongside the Nazis, recalls the past implementation of extreme nationalism.

Inside, an article appeared, entitled “Nationalism in the World: Past, Present, Future,” written by Andriy Shkil’, editor-in-chief of Natsionalist, chairman of the Dontsov Supporters’ Club, and head of the Lviv branch of UNA. Mostly devoted to the New Right, it also mentioned their precursors, including Gobineau, and “his worthy student Walter Darre, who developed the idea of artificial selection [eugenics] to improve the human race.” Mein Kampf and its author (whose name is not given) are praised for “reexamining these ideas on the highest level.” Several of Darre’s ideas are applied to the Ukrainian situation: Christianity’s mistaken view of the equality of human beings, the necessity for the revival of paganism as an essential spiritual feature of the nation and as a precondition for the creation of a new national elite, with eugenics as a means of cleansing and renewing the people.39 Thus, the UNA values the experience of the European Right, and other radical regardless of their political orientation.

Like Dontsov, they view the spiritual side of their political program to be of great significance. They appreciate the philosophical underpinnings of German Nationalism, for its philosophy with underpinnings from Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Spengler.

In another article, the author cites things that the Ukraine could copy from the German National Democratic and Republican parties: the Neo-Nazi street fighters against foreigners, and the Republican loyalty to the Nazi past, and the NDP’s racist “social biology.”40

Shkil’ stresses that France is now the center of New Right ideas. The success of the French New Right is attributed to its backbone of social biology. In his interpretation of the work of the American scholar Edward Wilson,41 Shkil’ makes explicit whom he believes embodies “social biology” in action: “people who place small explosive devices near big synagogues.”42 According to one UNA ideologist, “There will be a NEW NATIONALISM based on elements of social biology (of course, in a very selective manner). For example, ‘People are genetically unequal’ assert the Rightists. ‘Nations are genetically unequal’ we assert.”43

Based “on ideas of the German conservative revolution of 1918–1933,” Shkil’ singles out the “new paganism and occultism” of Alain de Benoist, whom Shkil’ quotes as saying, “if Le Pen wants to see the world the way it was before the Great French Revolution, then the New Rightists would like to see it as it was before the birth of Jesus Christ.”44

From the European New Rightists, they have borrowed Neo-imperialist doctrines and some of their views on fascism: “Fascism interests us from the spiritual, idealistic point of view.... We find its ideas of heroism and self-sacrifice sympathetic.... The repressive, chauvinistic aspects characteristic to a lesser or greater degree of Italian and German national socialism are completely unacceptable to us.” 45

A “spiritual” nationalism has entered the general arguments of ideologues of all stripes who denounce “globalization” and “Old Testament” values. One of ideologists of UNA endows the concepts of Eurasianism, globalism, “universal values” and “human rights” with meanings that serve the UNA-UNSO’s own goals for the overthrow of the Ukraine’s “foreign” democratic regime.49 The author states that the sources of the values are “Protestantism, political liberalism, and scientific positivism.” In contrast, “Eastern Orthodoxy, Catholicism, and Islam consider usury and banking manipulations to be sins....”50

UNA was among the first to propound the historical necessity of establishing a “Ukrainian superpower with borders from the Adriatic to the Pacific.”51 In many ways, UNA-UNSO ideologists follow the New Rightists. We have already mentioned Alain de Benoist. Paraphrasing de Benoist’s “first the winning of minds, and then the winning of power,” Shkil’ adds “only after uniting the head with the flexible strong Ukrainian body can we deal with Europe and only then can Europe deal with us.”53

In order to win minds, UNA’s organ Golos natsii has given prominence to the Italian book Pagan Imperialism by Julius Evola, a well-known fascist ideologist. In addition, Golos natsii republished articles by the late Japanese author Yukio Mishima. Mishima wrote My Friend Hitler, which, the Ukrainian newspaper claims, shows that “a new military-aristocratic elite” can put a halt to “bourgeois-democratic degradation” and “restore a dictatorial hierarchical regime.”54

In short, Ukrainian Rightists of all stripes see answers to many of their questions in the ample arsenal of European sources, among which “Neo-Eurasian” works comprise an important, but hardly the most sizeable component.


Nationalism in Historiosophic and Political Doctrines

The Ukrainian Nation: Aryan Prehistory and Historical Mission

Ukrainian nationalists depict the establishment of an ethnic totalitarian state as the organic continuation of the history of the Aryan race, of which the ancient Ukrainians were the progenitors. The ideologists present such constructs, as the incarnation of the Aryan spirit of the nation with the myth of Ukrainian origins as the prehistory of the contemporary state that is destined to radically remake the world and purify it from Evil.

What kind of nation should the revived Ukraine be in order to fulfill its historic mission? According to the national-radicals, it would first have to return to its Aryan roots, reviving the militant Aryan spirit and the rich pre-Christian culture. All the nationalists agree about the Aryan primacy of the Ukrainians, disagreeing only as to which of their groups most represents the Aryan spirit and is most worthy of serving as the nucleus of the revived nation. In their publications, they stress that all Indo-European peoples derive from the Ukrainians, including the Indo-Germanic groups who erroneously considered themselves the first truly Aryan people. Russians, who also claim Aryan primacy, are excluded from the Aryan family (and in some articles, are not even considered part of the Slavs!); the Russian ethnic and national development was later, and Russia should be referred to as Northeast Ukraine. These nationalists reject the “dogma of imperial history” according to which the “kindred East Slavic peoples” (Russians, Ukrainians, and Belorussians) come from a single “ancient Russian people.”67They deny to the Russians a prehistoric past.

Another key question: against whom did the ancient Ukrainians fight to defend the Aryan spirit and its life-affirming pagan culture? The answer and relates in one way or another to the Vles Book—an history of the pre-Christian Rus that appeared in the late 1950s among Ukrainian emigres.68


In the first stages of development of the myth of the origin of the “Slavo-Russ” descendents of Oriya (the progenitor of the Aryans), there is no differentiation of the ancient Aryans into “ancient Russians” and “ancient Ukrainians.” This accords with the theory that these peoples share a common origin, and that their cultural and linguistic differentiation took place in a comparatively recent historical period. The myth was altered, however, when the Soviet Union began to decline during perestroika, and the possibility arose for an independent Ukraine. What had begun as a covert Ukrainization of the myth in the Ukrainian diaspora, now became intensified and open. Russians were no longer regarded as Slavs, and hence were not Aryans; claims of a common Slavic past extended from prethrough the Kievan Rus were rejected.

Aryan-Ukrainian history was pushed back to the paleolithic “Oriyan” epoch (4,000–23,000 B.C.).70 “All Oriyans [Aryans] no matter where they lived, in Iran, Anatolia, Palestine, Egypt, Iraq, or India...came from the Ukraine.” These ancient Ukrainians created “the most ancient mythology in the world, which became the basis for all Indo-European mythologies and the Ukrainian language—Sanskrit—became the progenitor of all Indo-European languages.” “The Aryan religion in the [form of] Ukrainian ritual” based on worship of the sun and its symbol, the swastika, gave rise to Buddhism, Hellenism and Christianity. As one might expect, the ancient Ukrainians, as progenitors of the Indo-European race and founder of Aryan culture, became the target of the Semite-Jews, their metahistorical antagonists.

In transplanting the Aryan myth onto Ukrainian soil, its nationalism was altered somewhat. For example, the treatment of Christianity and its relation to Judaism was modified. Ukrainian publications espousing “Veda-ism” almost always present Christianity as a degenerate ideology created by Jews expressly for the gentiles, who are then exploited, weakened, and ultimately enslaved by it. Another Ukrainian “Aryanists” prefer Rosenberg’s positive Christianity, which supposedly has nothing in common with Judaism; they substitute Aryan-Ukrainian attributes for Rosenberg’s Indo-Germanic ones, and look to a Ukrainian Jesus descended from the “mighty proto-Ukrainian Etruscan tribe” for the “Nordic martyr.” The “Etruscan” origin of Jesus is highlighted in the Dictionary of Ancient Ukrainian Mythology issued in 1993 in Kyiv. Its author explains that the “Etruscans (Rusiny) were an ancient Ukrainian tribe which moved from the Carpathian Mountains and Galicia into northern Italy 1,300 years B.C.... Out of the rich Etruscan (ancient Ukrainian) culture grew the classical culture of Greece and Rome.”

Author mentioned above goes beyond Dontsov’s view of prehistory with his version of the Christianization of the Ukraine, claiming that thanks to “ancient Ukrainian pagan priests” the teaching of Christ was accepted by the Ukrainians a mere thirty-five years after the birth of Jesus and that for 850 years there was tolerant coexistence between Christians and pagans, disrupted in 988 by the “crafty” Prince Volodymyr.

In propounding an ancient Ukrainian origin of Christianity, however, different but equally nefarious roles are ascribed to the Jews: they are called “plagiarists” and occupiers of ancient Ukrainian territory — Palestine. One of the Ukrainian historical revisionists explains how the “ancient Jews” came to have the Old Testament: in approximately 2,000 B.C., a segment of the ancient Ukrainians passed through Mesopotamia and headed toward the Nile. These were the creators of the Rig Veda, who symbolized their devotion to the sun and harmony with the universe by the swastika. While in the process of migrating, they “were opposed by the Semitic king Yosi. After conquering the disunited Aryans, the Semitic chieftain adopted their ideology. Thus the ancient Jews got the Old Testament. This is how people from the territory of present day Ukraine founded the religious philosophy of the Jews.”

An alternate version of the conquest of Palestine, and of the non-Jewish origin of Jesus and Christianity came later. According to it Semitic tribes forced their way into the Middle East from the Arabian deserts and destroyed the proto-Slavic civilization. The Hittites, Palestinians, and other Slavic tribes “were driven out of their historic homeland. The Jews conquered the city of Rusa-Lel (a name supposedly derived from Rusov Otets — “father of the Rus” — founded in 1,800 B.C. by Ukrainian-Hyksos, and renamed it “Ierusalim” (Jerusalem). The Ukrainian, or more precisely, Galician, origin of Jesus is attested to linguistically by Jesus' final words, said to be of a dialect of the “Carpathian region.” Zarathustra — “who was born somewhere east of Lugansk and Rostov” — predicted the advent of the Christian messiah. Author of this theory cites Dontsov, as well as “Western scholars, who deny the Jewish origin of Christ.” He adds that “all references to the Old Testament [found in the New Testament] are later interpolations.” As with its predecessors, the Ukrainian mythology views the Jew as the incarnation of Evil, while its own people are a nation of Heroes called upon to purify the world and establish a new order in it.

As noted, Dontsov remarked that “All begins with mysticism and ends with politics.” His claim that “today’s Ukrainian is the representative of one of the most ancient nations on earth, the ur-mother of European civilization” concluded with a call to restore the “nation of the strong” that is destined to “dominate Europe and the world.”

According to Dontsov, the nucleus for the revival of the “nation of the strong” will be the “Nordic people.” Each of the nationalist radical groups of the Ukraine associates itself with a “Nordic minority” that is to lead the nation and guarantee the realization of its historic mission. The UNA states: “Every nation is formed in the depths of an organization, such a nation will exist for ages.... The internal organizational hierarchy must be the womb for the national hierarchy during the period of its formation.”

Another UNA ideologue also extolled blood, war, and domination:

There have appeared people who are bored by this grey, ordinary, boring life, who love risk and strong emotions, people who love war and do not faint at the sight of blood, the blood of warriors, the blood of masters. These people will build the Ukrainian State, not some provincial, pocket-sized Ukraine, an object of mockery, but a Ukraine for which our ancestors fought, a Ukraine that will rule the world.

The messianic role of Ukraine is the future Europe and the world is a logical continuation of the idea of the destiny of the people: “We shall build a Great Ukraine and establish a New Europe, in which there will be no room for a cult of the lower instincts. We need not a ‘common European home’ but a Europe of nations. The spirit of Ancient Aryans hovers over Ukraine. We thirst for revenge.”

Against whom and for what does the nation of Aryans thirst for revenge? Who is the enemy who must be overcome by Ukrainian Aryans in order to fulfill their historic mission? The answer is obvious — the Jews. In Ukrainizing the messianic ethnic-statist ideology, nationalists simply follow the dualistic myth that presents the Jews as the historical and spiritual antipode of the Ukrainian chosen nation. The Ukrainian myth is a modern poof the Christian nationalistic misuse of the stereotype of “Jewish chosenness” that has become a cultural code in Western civilization. The fact that this code appears in political and ideological doctrines independent of the declared attitude toward Christianity (some of the Ukrainian radical ideologies reject Christianity), and that it may change form or even be completely replaced by paganism (e.g., in para-Nazi messianism), only confirms the depth to which it is ingrained in European consciousness. It is expressed in Ukrainian radical nationalist propaganda, for example, in an article entitled “The Cleansers”:

We must recognize our messianism, our holy obligation toward Ukraine and all of humanity.... The next millenium will be marked by an aggravation of the struggle between two opposing worlds — the Aryan one and the Semitic one, between the forces of Good and those of Evil. Ukraine, headed by UNA-UNSO should be the vanguard of Aryan civilization. That the kikes are the servants of the Devil is obvious from the Bible, the Talmud, the Torah, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and from the whole history of the kike people. Who created the satanic teaching of Communism? Who built the Evil Empire of the USSR? Who were members of the CheKa? Who destroyed churches, organized the mass starvation and the destruction of the elite of the Ukraine?... The Germans were right when they made their autos-da-fe....

The Ukrainian version mixes mysticism and messianism when facing the crises evident in most, if not all, of the post-Soviet states. The direction that Ukrainian society will take depends largely on how it addresses the challenges of building an independent state. For extreme nationalists, the primary question is, what kind of state can guarantee the fulfillment of the Ukrainian-Aryan historical mission?

The Great Ukrainian State, its Allies and its Enemies

The primary aim of the radical nationalists is to build an ethnocratic dictatorship. Despite disagreements over whether the Ukrainian state should be a new Eurasian empire or remain within its “ethnic borders,” there is a shared anti-democratic platform.

“Ethnocracy” was a key demand of the extreme nationalists during the 1994 elections to the Supreme Soviet. Only a “national dictatorship, a mighty Ukrainian force armed with nuclear weapons will lead Ukraine out of democratic chaos and Communist order” stated the leader of UNA during the campaign. This was further elaborated in his article “Osnovy ukrainskoi natiokratiia” (The fundamentals of Ukrainian ethnocracy). Author accused the “Communist ideologues” of cutting the peoples of the USSR off from the West and thereby distorting information about the “fascist movement in Italy and the National Socialist movement in Germany, which they presented as being against the people’s interest and bloody.” “Fascism...revealed the forgotten light of great ideas:... authoritarianism, hierarchy, duty, and discipline.” He argues that for fascism, the nation is an absolute value; identifying the nation with the state, fascism represents the system that guarantees national development. Italian fascism and Nazism strengthened their countries by opposing the degenerate ideas of “Marxist-kike internationalism” and the violence “of all-penetrating kike capital which...has stifled the national economy.” They have shown that national dictatorship, ethnocracy, is the only way to liberate oneself from the foreigner’s alien yoke. An ethnocracy should establish itself by domination the “socially useful strata.”86

But what if the “socially useless” or “nationally harmful strata” and others reject the ethnocrats? An answer was provided by a member of the editorial board and frequent contributor to Nasha sprava. In his article “Osnovy sanatsii” (The bases of cleansing), he proposed a new theory of Ukrainian civilization, which he claimed differs fundamentally from all previous and contemporary civilizations which he sharply criticized. He stressed the concept of rid (kinship or blood), i.e., the supposedly genetically pure Ukrainian people, and the necessity of purging Ukrainian society. Rid leads to the recognition of the law (zakon). Enemies who threaten the purity of the rid should be categorically destroyed.

Among such enemies in the Ukraine are perhaps three million Russians and 600,000 Jews. Russians are characterized as consumers and parasites, alcoholics with a propensity for theft, vandalism, and aggression, and an inability to appreciate, much less create, culture. Jews are depicted as cautious and suspicious when among others and always ready to take advantage of situations of disorder. Author views Russians and Jews as able to survive and multiply within the weakened and neglected Ukrainian organism. They should be ruthlessly and immediately destroyed, converted into “biomass” as he puts it. He proposes “cleansing units” modeled after Hitler’s Einsatzgruppen and even suggests having these units operate within the territories of other countries to which the Ukraine lays claim. Aggression is a precondition for development that will lead to the survival of the “best.” He calls for bloodshed in the “titanic struggle of a cosmic game” so that the “national idea” will “arouse Ukrainian history from its slumber” so that it does not remain stranded “halfway between the Kike’s church [i.e., the Orthodox Church with its “Jewish” roots] and the Kike’s tavern.”87

Arguments in favor of ethnic cleansing appeared in a series of publications. In one of them is written “Only such people who are unspoiled by priest’s Kike-Christian morality can hate that way.” He provides an apology for Neo-paganism, claiming that Christianity is the “offspring of Judaism and our spinelessness,” and calls for practical steps to purge the Ukraine of its “parasitical biomass” so that a monopolistic rule of the “nation”can be established.89 He proposes an Islamic-type religious-political system be adopted in place of the degenerate Western, Judeo-Christian model, based rather on that of Iran and Iraq whom he views a promising allies for his country. He even ponders the possibility of a nuclear war between Israel and the Arab nations as part of the clash of two hostile psychological and biological worlds.

Clearly the UNA-UNSO has proclaimed its goal of a national dictatorship in a “Ukraine for the Ukrainians,” as well as the establishment of other ethnocratic European states. From 1993, however, UNA began to call for the establishment of a Eurasian Ukrainian empire with borders from the Adriatic to the Pacific, with its capital in Kiev. In May of that year, at a scientific conference on “Ukraine’s new geo-politics” held in Lviv, Andriy Shkil’ called for the state to adopt the Aryan myth and use it to unite “Ukrainians of the West and Far East.”

Ukrainian imperial ambitions are not restricted to Slavic peoples or to unifying peoples under Ukrainian domination: “Ukrainian pan-Slavism aspires to a confederation that might not only include Slavic states,” asserted one of UNA chairman. “The only salvation for the Ukraine is the establishment of a new super-ethnos...with a continent of its own, a culture of its own. It is even possible that there will be a new civilization....”91

Editor of UNA paper Zamkova gora proclaimed Ukrainized pan-Slavism and the belief in an destiny, as well as the traditional Ukrainian opposition to the West:

"Ukraine is destined to renew itself as a superpower. The millenial cycle of Slavic history has been completed. As in the 10th century, we are again at a turning point, but on a higher level. Our own agenda is the reestablishment of Kievan Rus-Ukraine, with borders from the Adriatic to the Pacific. We have proclaimed ourselves the descendants of that empire not only in a static sense, but in a dynamic one as well. Russia, Moscow, that chaotic mixture of races and people, is simply not capable of serving as the basis for an Empire of a new type, an Empire that will be based on a Ukrainian ethnocratic nucleus, an Empire in which, finally, the main slogan of Ukrainian nationalists —Sobornist (collectivity) will be realized as a step to a higher goal, that of Ukraine as the center of all Slavs, the expression of pan-Slavism.”92

This author claims that territorially and historically “Russia-Moscovy” is less the “rightful heir of Rus than of the Golden Horde, less of Europe than of the East, less of Rome than of Sarai.” He accused Russian Eurasians of “racial crimes” since they seek support “not from Slavs in the West, but from Turks in the East” and call for the creation of a single living space (lebensraum) with non-White races.”93 He reasserts the old conclusions about the danger to the Slavs of a pro-Western or pro-American orientation, and the alien nature of those who appeal to “Old Testament” values. In another article published almost simultaneously, he cites Mein Kampf and writes about Jewish aspirations for world domination.95

The same issue of Russian radical magazine Elementy also published an interview with leader of UNA, who espoused the advantages of an alliance based on the “recognition that we [the New Rightists in Ukraine and other countries] have common interests and common enemies.”96 The enemy is “globalism” whose proponents in the Ukraine are democrats.97

After elaborating doctrine of the New Right imperialism, UNA have also altered the image and doctrine of the enemy that they inherited from the Ukrainian old Right. On the one hand, they have not only maintained, but have strengthened their anti-Russian arguments which they employed as the ideological base for armed action against the Russians in Georgia, the Dniester region, and Chechniya. On the other hand, while borrowing the Aryan messianic myth of a great power, the Ukrainian New Rightists have changed their former hierarchy of enemies: Russia and the Russians have been superceded by the West and globalism. “Spirituality” and “national tradition” are now opposed to materialism and “Old Testament values.”

At the same time, the myth of the Great Aryan nation, destined to revive spirituality in a world threatened by materialism, through romanticism and the cult of force and youth compensates for a national inferiority complex and evokes widespread response among intellectual circles, especially among young people. The thesis of the alien nature of democracy (traditionally associated with the West and with Jews) is significantly encouraged by the awareness of widespread corruption among self-proclaimed democrats of the newly independent states.

These are some of the factors that have facilitated the growth of right-wing radical ideology, with its characteristic nationalism. Whether the effect of these factors will further increase or decline depends on a whole constellation of domestic and foreign policy circumstances and their evolution in Ukraine over the next few years.

Conclusion

The Ukraine’s first years of independence from the Soviet Union have been far from easy. The country has experienced a serious decline in industrial production, as well as conflicts in the process of establishing democratic institutions — the establishment of new governing bodies, parties, and movements, elections at all levels, and the development of a free press. Difficulties have been apparent both in the formation of a national elite. This has been accompanied by an aggravation of social problems, a decline in the standard of living, a rise in unemployment, and growing poverty (including among the intelligentsia), alongside the breakdown of ideology and a commonly-accepted value system. Political life since independence has been dominated by centrist, rather than extreme, ideologies of both Left and Right — national democracy, liberalism, social democrats, and neo-orthodox Communists — as indicated by the election results at all levels.

Sociological surveys also indicate a centrist orientation among the public. Only 12–13 % of the population define themselves as ultra-nationalists, which corresponds with the percentage of representation in the Supreme Soviet.107

A similar picture emerges from an analysis of the ideological orientation of national and regional television, radio, and the press. Nationalistic publications constitute only a small proportion of the Ukrainian press, which tends to ignore the Jewish question altogether, or else to deal with it objectively to the best of its ability. The overall proportion of nationalistic publications has changed only slightly, even though the actual number of them has increased from 1–2 per month in 1992 to 20–30 per month in 1995 and 1996. Research on inter-ethnic relations in the country indicate a comparatively high degree of tolerance toward Jews.108

Thus we may conclude that in its first years of existence as an independent state, Ukrainian nationalism has been largely a marginal phenomenon. “Asemitism” — a neutral attitude toward Jews — however, has come to replace the anti-nationalistic speeches and declarations of Ukrainian-Jewish solidarity that some Ukrainians espoused based on a sense of having a common or similar fate. Russian-Soviet nationalism was seen to be a “foreign” import brought into the society as a result of Russian imperialism. Ukrainian democrats tend to ignore nationalism in the form of ethnic-state ideas. This “non-resistance to evil” may be attributable to the insignificant scale of Ukrainian nationalism as opposed to Russian nationalism; as well as the fear that resistance might lend the phenomenon a popularity that it lacks on its own.

Such an approach is not acceptable to all. Many Ukrainian democrats believe that under conditions of social and political instability the activity of UNSO (which they associate with Nazi storm troopers) “may become a point of crystallization for a new myth of the 20th century,” with consequences like those associated with the Nazi Rosenberg’s myth about the Jews.109

There seems some chance that such fears may be realized, although one cannot say that they are unfounded. At present, aggression might be less directed against Jews as such (and with emigration, their numbers are rapidly diminishing in the Ukraine), than against everything seen as negative or hostile. In accordance with traditional stereotypes, for example, the nouveaux riches of the Ukraine are called “Jewish” regardless of their origins. In parallel, supporters of democracy — seen by the radical nationalists as “alien” and “destructive” — are therefore associated with a “Jewish” desire for global domination.

The possible shift of such ideologies closer tot he center of Ukrainian political life and the transformation of their programs from propaganda to action will depend largely on the degree of social instability that leads to “social madness” as well as the “mystical” trend that encourages political, national, and religious extremism.110

A number of factors would contribute to destabilization leading to increasing influence of the radical nationalists: deterioration of Russian-Ukrainian relations due to conflicting claims in the Crimea and the ships of the former Soviet Navy in the Black Sea; unresolved economic problems; a rise in unemployment; aggravation of social conflicts; a further decline in productivity; increasing poverty of the population; a crisis in Ukrainian culture; and/or conflicts within the power structure.

The weakness of the state and the inefficiency of the judicial system, along with the lack of a developed civil society make it impossible to guarantee the security of citizens in general, and Jews in particular.

It is not possible to predict the future of radical nationalist groups in the Ukraine. This will be determined by the respective strength of opposing forces in the Ukraine itself. The world has become more interdependent than ever before. Thus, the hour of the radical nationalists will come in the Ukraine only if the hour of their peers arrives in Europe.

ENDNOTES

M. Tolts, “Demographic Trends among the Jews in the Three Slavic Republics of the Former USSR: A Comparative Analysis,” in Papers in Jewish Demography 1993, eds. S. DellaPergola and J. Even (Jerusalem 1997).

Shlomo Avineri, The Return to History (New York: American Jewish Committee, 1992).

Oksana Zabuzhko, “The Philosophy of the National Idea: Ukraine and Europe,” Zustrici 2 (1991): 93–102.

Vadim Skuratovskii, interview by Victor Radutskii, Kiev, 1992, unpubl. ms.; Mikola Riabchuk, “The International Jewish-Masonic Conspiracy and Prospects of Nationalism in Ukraine,” Suchasnist 8 (1992): 110–16.

Evgen Sverstiuk, “In the Egyptian Bondage of Indifference,” in Problemy ukrainsko-evreiiskikh vidnosyn (Problems of Ukrainian-Jewish relations), (Kiev: n.p., 1991), 13–18.

Ibid., “Introduction” by Ivan Dzyba, 1–4; and “The Problem of Studying Ukrainian-Jewish Relations,” by Iaroslav Dashkevich, 25–28.

Ibid., “Instead of an Epilogue,” by Leonid Finberg, 73–74; L. Dymerskaya-Tsigelman, “Conference on Jewish-Ukrainian Relations in the Twentieth Century” (Jerusalem, 13–18 May 1993), Jews in Eastern Europe (2) 21 (Fall 1993): 83–88.

V. Litvin, “On Contemporary Ukrainian Parties, Their Supporters and Leaders,” Politologichni chitannia 1 (1992): 62.


Politychni partii Ukrainy, spravochnik (Political parties of the Ukraine, a handbook) (Kiev: Naukove Tovaris dvo imeni Petra Mohiliy, 1998), 533.


Partii I dvizheniia Ukrainy, spravochnik (Parties and movements of the Ukraine: a handbook) (Kiev 1996), 52.

UNA-UNSO, “Let them hate as long as they also love” (Kiev 1996), 54.

Ibid., 52–58.


Politychni partii Ukrainy, spravochnik (Political parties of the Ukraine: a handbook) (Kiev: Naukove Toranishstvo imeni: Petra nishily, 1998), 59.

Roman Koval’, Pidstavy natsiokratii (The foundations of ethnocracy) (Kiev 1994), 24.

Ibid.

Idem, “One’s own to one’s own for one’s own,” Nezboryma natsia 34 (1995): 68–69.

Idem, speech at the fifth congress of the DSU, Nezboryma natsia 21 (63) (1994).


Politychny portret Ukrainy (Political portrait of the Ukraine) (Kiev) 10 (1995): 12.

On Soviet-Russian messianic nationalism, see L. Dymerskaya-Tsigelman, “L. Korneev as a Phenomenon of Soviet Anti-Semitism in the 1970s–1980s,” Jews and Jewish Topics in Soviet and East-European Publications (hereafter JJTSEEP) 2–3 (1986): 47–58; idem, “Observations on history or history created according to observations,” Strana i mir (Munich) 12 (1985); ibid., 11 (1986).

A. Shcherbatiuk, “The bases of cleansing,” Nezboryma natsiia, 16 November 1993.

Eckart, D., Der Bolschewismus von Moses bis Lenin. Zwiegesprache zwischen Adolf Hitler und mir (Munich 1925) was republished in Golos natsii 1 (1994); selections from Hitler’s Mein Kampf appeared in O. Kovalenko, “You have to hit with the left and right hands alternately,” Zamkovaia gora 7 (1995): “Bolshevism is only a new attempt, of the 20th century, of the Jews to attain world domination.”

L. Tot, “The Aryan Idea,” Golos natsii 29 (1995).

“Ukraine: Cossacks or Shepherds?” Elementy, Evraziiskoe obozrenie 6 (1995), 38.

Dontsov borrowed several ideas from Charles Maurras, who elaborated the idea of “integral nationalism,” and which became part of the programs of extreme nationalist parties in Poland, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia, and to some extent of the German Nazi party. Maurras’s ideas were most completely adopted by Mussolini, whose path from Marxism to fascism paralleled Dontsov’s own ideological evolution. Dontsov quoted frequently from Fichte, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Spengler, Pareto, Sorel, and others. See J. Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 2nd. ed. (New York 1963).

For a biography, analysis of his writings, and a complete bibliography, see M. Sosnovskii, Dmytro Dontsov — Politychnii portret (New York and Toronto 1974).

See, e.g., Dmytro Dontsov, Dukh nashei stariny (The spirit of our ancient history) (Prague 1944).

Ibid., 245.

Ibid., 262–63.

This maxim appears in Dmytro Dontsov, Khrestom i mechom (With the cross and sword, 1956), a book widely distributed among his followers in the Ukraine. Selected chapters were published in the monthly Derzhavnist 2 and 3 (1991). Parts have also appeared in Natsionalist and Golos natsii.

Dontsov, Khrestom i mechom, in Derzhavnist 2 (1991): 74.

Ibid.

Ibid., no. 1 (1991): 48–49.

Leonid Pliushch, “Is there a future for Ukrainian fascism?” Suchasnist, 3 (1993): 141–42.

Iu. Rikdobrod, “Who is guilty?” Golos natsii, 23 (1993).

S. Dovganiuk, “Something about Ukrainian mysticism,” Natsionalist, 2, no. 8 (n.d.): 34.

T. Kuzo, “OUN in Ukraine, D. Dontsov and the foreign part of OUN,” Suchasnist, 12 (1992): 34.

A. Bedrii, “D. Dontsov and OUN,” Klych 3 (1993): 6.

Elementy 6 (1995): 38.

Andriy Shkil’ [?], “Nationalism in the World: Past, Present, Future, According to W. Darre’s Book “Race, the New Elite, or Blood and Soil” Natsionalist 1 (7) (n.d.): 24.

“The New Europe,” Natsionalist 2 (8) (1992): 20.

E. O. Wilson, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Cambridge, Mass. 1975).

Ibid., 22.

Ibid.

Ibid.

“The Awakening of the Elements,” Elementy, 1 (1992): 4.

T. Glushkova (in Russian), Molodaia gvardiia, 11–12 (1993).

A. Dugin, “An Apology for Nationalism” (in Russian), Den, 38 (1993): 2.

A. Dugin, Tseli i zadachi nashei revoliutsii (The goals and tasks of our revolution) (Moscow 1995).

A. Kovalenko, “Geopolitical Orientations”, Zamkovaia gora 8 (35) (1993): 4.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Elementy 1 (1992): 5–8.

A. Shkil’, “The New Europe,” Natsionalist 2 (VIII) (no year): 22. The issue is the realization of Dontsov’s messianism: “The sole force capable of saving Europe is Ukrainian nationalism.”

A. Khaletsky, “The Tragic Esoterica of Existence: On the Nature of the Heroic Style (Dedicated to the Memory of Yukio Mishima),” Golos natsii 15–16 (1995): 8.

V. Smilga, “Syphilis of the Soul” (in Russian) Vechernii Kiev, 16 July 1992; about these publications, see A. Verkhovskii, A. Papp and V. Pribylovskii, Politicheskii ekstremizm v Rossii (Political extremism in Russia), (Moscow: Moscow Anti-fascist Center, 1996).

Pavel Chemeris, “Who Is in the Wings?” Za vilnu Ukrainu, February 1992.

Pavel Chemeris, “Russia Vanquished and Wiped Off the Earth,” Za vilnu Ukrainu, July 1992.

Round Table: “Ukrainian-Jewish Relations: What Prevents Dialogue,” Za vilnu Ukrainu, April 1994.

“The Protocols of the Elders of Zion: Myths and Reality,” Grono, 5–6 (1995).

“The Catechism of Jews in the USSR,” Neskorena natsiia 8 (1993).

Golos natsii 1 (1994).


Nova Ukraina, January 1994.

Tatiana Tur, “Babii Yar — bratskaya mogyla ukrainskich zhertf CheKa,” Derzhavnist 3 (18) (August 1996).

Vechernyi Kiev, 9 October 1996.


Za vilnu Ukrainu 68–72 (1997).

L. Glybko, “We Slavs... On the Origin of the Russian People; Ukraine - the Original Homeland of the Indo-Europeans,” Natsionalist 1 (17) (n.d.): 12.

Ibid., 9.

See M. Kaganskaya, “The ‘Book of Vles’: The Saga of a Forgery,” JJTSEEP 4 (1986–1987): 3–18; Z. Bar Sela, “Supplement: Annotated Bibliography,” JJTSEEP 4 (1986–1987): 18–27.

Maya Kaganskaya, “The Myth of the 21st Century, or Russia in the Fog” (in Russian), Strana i Mir 11 (1986), and 1 (1987).

“The Oriyan person, the Proto-Aryans, should be considered the oldest ancestry of the Ukrainian tribe and of southern Europe,” see V. Paik, “The Root of the Immortality of Ukraine and the Ukrainian People,” Derzhavnist 2(5) (1992): 12.

Ibid., 16.

S. Plachynda, Slovnyk davnoukrainskoi mifologii (Dictionary of ancient Ukrainian mythology) (Kiev: Ed. Ukrainskii Pismenik, 1993).

V. Ruban, “The Inner Essence of the Aryan Faith of the Ukrainian Cult,” Slovo 11 (56) (1992): 6–7.

This is the basic idea in E. Yemelyanov’s Desionizatsiia (De-Zionization). He was one of the first to link a Neo-pagan version of Russian history with problems of Soviet policy. This link was expanded and elaborated in the 1980s and 1990s; in Russia today there is a broad network of Neo-pagan nationalistic organizations which attempt to take maximal advantage of the vedaism they espouse. See E. Moroz, “Vedaism and Fascism,” Barer: antifashistskii zhurnal 4 (1994); Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the Extreme Right in Russia (New York: HarperCollins, 1993).

Iaroslav Oros, “Aristokraticheskie prashchury,” (Aristocratic ancestors), Slovo, July 1992, 7–8.

Barladianu-Byladnik, “In Search of a Lost Name, or Who Are the Ukrainians?” Derzhavnist 4 (1992): 24.

Ibid.

V. Monchinskii, “Forge your Spirit and Body: You’re a Ukrainian,” Derzhavnist 2 (1992): 5.

D. Kochinsky, “Report of the 9th Session of UNA.”

Ibid.

R. Koval’, “Speech at the 5th Congress of the DSU,” Nezborima natsiia 21(63) (1994).

O. Iatskis, “The Cossack and the Shepherd,” Golos natsii 20 (1993).

D. Korchinskii, “Nationalism and Slavery — Opposites,” Golos natsii 15 (1993).

See Yehuda Bauer, “Nationalism as a European and World Problem,” Patterns of Prejudice 2, no. 1 (1993).

A.G., “The Cleansers,” Golos Natsii 37 (126) (1995): 7.

Grigorii Grebeniuk, “The Bases of Ukrainian Ethnocracy,” Nezborima naatsiia, February 1994.

A. Shcherbatiuk, “The Bases of Cleansing,” Nezborima natsiia, 16 November 1993.

A. Shcherbatiuk, “The Voice of the Blood,” Slovo (weekly of the All-Ukrainian Association Prosveshchenie), Kiev 4 (March 1992).

Shcherbatiuk was arrested in December 1993, following the publication of “The Bases of Cleansing” and “Voice of the Blood” with subsequent condemnation in the democratic and Jewish press. He was released a month later without having been brought to trial; officially it was said that he had escaped. More than once he was seen in the press gallery of the Ukrainian Supreme Soviet. Posters (printed by the DSU) appeared in Kiev claiming that Shcherbatiuk was being persecuted by “the kikes for his true Ukrainian words.”


Zhirinovskii, Poslednii brosok na iug (The last attempt toward the South) (Moscow 1993), 118.

Oleg Vitovich, “The UNA Scientific Conference on the New Geo-politics of Ukraine” (held in Lvov, 1993).

A. Kovalenko, “Geo-political Orientations,” Zamkova gora, no. 8 (35) (1993): 4.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Kovalenko, “The New Orientation of Ukraine,” Elementy 6 (1995), 38.

“Interview with D. Korchinskii,” Elementy 6 (1995): 35.

A Kovalenko, “We must beat with the left and right hands alternately,” Zamkova gora 8 (35) (1993).

Moskovskie novosti (in Russian) 7 (18–24 February 1994).

“The Prospects of Civil War,” Elementy 6 (1995): 24.

Yu. Popov, “The Greatest Enemy is the Ukrainian,” Neskorena natsiia 11 (34) (1993).

See, for example, Vechernii Kiev, 10, 16, and 23 February 1996.

Vladimir Zhirinovskii, “Poslednii udar po Rossii (The last blow against Russia) (Moscow 1995), 27, cited by P. Chemeris, “Betar: What Is It?,” Za vilnu Ukrainu, 11 June 1996.

P. Chemeris, “Betar: What Is It?”

“Appeal of the Lviv [Lvov] Provincial Organization of Idealists of Ukraine and of the Lviv veche of April 11, 1993,” typewritten text; see also “Appeal of the Christian Defence Front to the Ukrainian People,” Neskorena natsiia, March 1994.


Pravoslavie, gosudarstvo i predantikhristova epokha (Eastern Orthodoxy, the state, and the pre-antichrist period) (Svet pecherskii Publishing House of the Holy Dormition Kiev-Pecherskaia Lavra 1992), 23.

Ibid., 6.


Politychni portret Ukrainy 15–16 (1996): 100.

N. Panina and E. Golovakha, “Inter-ethnic Relations and Ethnic Tolerance in the Ukraine,” Jews and Jewish Topics in Eastern Europe (14) (1991): 27–30; E. Golovakha and N. Panina, “Mass Perception of Jews and Ethnic Relations in Ukraine Today,” Jews in Eastern Europe 1 (29) (1996): 37–40.

Leonid Pliushch, “What are the prosects for Ukrainian fascism?” Suchastnist 3 (1993):142.

E. Golovakha and N. Panina, Sotsialnoe bezumie: Istoriia, teoriia i sovremennaia proktika (Social madness: history, theory, and contemporary practice) (Kiev 1994).

SICSA

© ÓÍÀ-ÓÍÑÎ. Ïåðåäðóê ìàòåðiàëiâ ìîæëèâèé ëèøå ç ïîñèëàííÿì íà http://www.una-unso.org!
??????? ???????